Here is a most excellent article in today’s
New York Times, from an American reporter with Chinese background, that clearly
illustrates why we must destroy the Chinese Dictatorship and bring to their
knees the Han Chinese people who are willing colluders and accomplices in its “China
Dream” to rule the globe. We must do so ruthlessly and mercilessly. We must not
spare any effort, any sacrifice, to destroy and annihilate and obliterate this
Evil Race – the Han Chinese – from the face of the Earth! Later, I shall
compose my own reasons – which are really an expansion of the valiant report
below – as to why we must have no pity for these imperialist, genocidal dogs!
The
endgame in the trade war between China and the United States seems near.
President Trump, betting with real currency — American strength — apparently
has the upper hand, and the concessions President Xi Jinping is likely to make
won’t be mere tokens. When — if? — an agreement is finally
announced, Mr. Trump will surely fire off bragging tweets, partly to shore
up his credentials for a second term, amid personal and policy troubles. For
Mr. Xi, almost any deal could mean a very serious loss of face.
Mr. Xi
assumed power when China was still riding high on its so-called economic
miracle (and the United States remained mired in the aftereffects of
the 2008-9 recession). He became general secretary of the
Chinese Communist Party (C.C.P.) in late 2012 and president of the People’s
Republic in early 2013. His anticorruption campaign was instantly popular.
He championed the “Chinese Dream,” a
vague vision of prosperity, strength and well-being for the country and its
people, that seemed to fire up many citizens. His proposal to President Barack
Obama to establish a “New Model of Major Country
Relations” could only please Han-majority Chinese with
imperial yearnings.
But
those were easy stunts, performed in a country with no audible opposition and
that bans “reckless” talk about the
government. The trade war, on the other hand, is the first real
occasion to assess Mr. Xi’s leadership capabilities. And his performance might
not look so good, even if one discounts the setbacks related to the trade war.
First and foremost, Mr.
Xi has utterly failed to manage the United States–Chinese relationship. In
contrast, every Chinese leader since the founding of the communist state in
1949 had recognized the paramount importance of those ties, worked hard to
improve them — and reaped huge benefits.
Mao
staged Ping-Pong diplomacy to
break the ice in 1971, and President Nixon supported him in his standoff against the Soviet
Union. Deng Xiaoping went all-out to woo the United States, and
President Jimmy Carter switched recognition of China
from Taipei to Beijing in 1979. During the 1980s, the C.C.P. leaders
Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang invited Milton Friedman and
other American economists to visit and provide advice; after that, American capital and technology started flowing
into China. In 1997, Jiang Zemin made an eight-day visit to the United States — at one
point, while in Williamsburg, Va., putting on a three-cornered colonial hat. Bill Clinton then gave
China a strong push to enter the World Trade
Organization in 2001.
The Hu
Jintao years, 2003–13, saw China’s most tactful exploitation of American
openness (and naïveté). Cheap Chinese imports created runaway bilateral trade
deficits for the United States. The Confucius Institutes, a network
of language schools cum influence agencies, began to take root in American
universities and high schools. (Today, there are more than 100 throughout the United States.)
Chinese venture capitalists flooded Silicon Valley with money raised in American
financial markets — then quietly siphoned off cutting-edge American expertise and injected
it into China’s own high-tech hub.
But Mr.
Xi has been aggressively hard-line. Under him, anti-American rhetoric has spread in official
media. The Chinese government has been explicit about wanting to
challenge the United States’s military presence in Asia.
It has made aggressive moves toward Taiwan and in the
South China Sea. It has sent Chinese battleships through
American waters off the coast of Alaska. (It claimed to
only be exercising the internationally recognized right of “innocent
passage,” but the move clearly was a show of force.)
State
authorities in Beijing try to co-opt members of China’s vast diaspora, hoping
to develop a network that will facilitate political infiltration into other
countries and high-tech transfers out of them. To this end, they resort to both
overt schemes, like the Thousand Talents Plan,
an official headhunting program, and covert tactics overseen by the C.C.P.’s
influence machine, the United Front.
These efforts have set
off alarms among some Americans. In 2017 and 2018, two groups of
blue-ribbon scholars and ex-officials from previous United States
administrations advocated a fundamental change in America’s view of China.
Their members were moderates and mostly well-disposed toward China. Yet some of
their recommendations dovetailed with the views of the Trump
administration hawks who consider China to be America’s number-one enemy and
security threat. Mr. Xi, apparently oblivious to this sea change,
was caught unprepared when Mr. Trump hit China with a tariff war.
The
dispute is having a knock-on effect elsewhere in Asia, Australia and New Zealand,
and Europe. After a summit in Brussels last
month, China agreed to grant European Union countries “improved” market access, stop
the forced transfer of technology and discuss the possibility of curtailing
state subsidies to Chinese companies, which, other governments say, gives them
an unfair competitive advantage. Although these concessions were presented in
the mild, mutual-promise language of a joint statement, they were a clear
setback for China and will blunt its global ambitions.
Why is
all of this happening under Mr. Xi? History suggests an answer.
In the
late 1950s, Mao began to challenge the Soviet Union’s leadership of the international
communist movement, then a potent force that hoped to overturn the
United States-led world order. Mao was also seeking global dominance, in line
with the traditional concept that the emperor of the Middle Kingdom was the
rightful ruler of “tian xia” (天下), everything under the heavens.
But Mao overreached; China wasn’t strong enough for that then. The Soviet
Union’s decision to scrap aid programs to China and pull out its scientific and
technological advisers there dealt a severe blow to
China’s underperforming socialist economy.
Like Mao with the
Soviets, Mr. Xi may have challenged the global leadership of the United States
too hard and too soon.
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