Here is a most excellent article in today’s New York Times, from an American reporter with Chinese background, that clearly illustrates why we must destroy the Chinese Dictatorship and bring to their knees the Han Chinese people who are willing colluders and accomplices in its “China Dream” to rule the globe. We must do so ruthlessly and mercilessly. We must not spare any effort, any sacrifice, to destroy and annihilate and obliterate this Evil Race – the Han Chinese – from the face of the Earth! Later, I shall compose my own reasons – which are really an expansion of the valiant report below – as to why we must have no pity for these imperialist, genocidal dogs!
The endgame in the trade war between China and the United States seems near. President Trump, betting with real currency — American strength — apparently has the upper hand, and the concessions President Xi Jinping is likely to make won’t be mere tokens. When — — an agreement is finally announced, Mr. Trump will surely fire off bragging tweets, partly to shore up his credentials for a second term, amid personal and policy troubles. For Mr. Xi, almost any deal could mean a very serious loss of face.
Mr. Xi assumed power when China was still riding high on its so-called economic miracle (and the United States remained ). He became general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (C.C.P.) in late 2012 and president of the People’s Republic in early 2013. was . He championed the “,” a vague vision of prosperity, strength and well-being for the country and its people, that seemed to fire up many citizens. His proposal to President Barack Obama to establish a “” could only please .
But those were easy stunts, performed in a country with no audible opposition and that bans . The trade war, on the other hand, is the first real occasion to assess Mr. Xi’s leadership capabilities. And his performance might not look so good, even if one discounts the setbacks related to the trade war.
First and foremost, Mr. Xi has utterly failed to manage the United States–Chinese relationship. In contrast, every Chinese leader since the founding of the communist state in 1949 had recognized the paramount importance of those ties, worked hard to improve them — and reaped huge benefits.
Mao staged to break the ice in 1971, and President Nixon supported him in . Deng Xiaoping went all-out to woo the United States, and President Jimmy Carter . During the 1980s, the C.C.P. leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang and other American economists to visit and provide advice; after that, and technology started flowing into China. In 1997, Jiang Zemin made — at one point, while in Williamsburg, Va., putting on . Bill Clinton then gave China a strong push .
The Hu Jintao years, 2003–13, saw China’s most tactful exploitation of American openness (and naïveté). Cheap Chinese imports created . The Confucius Institutes, a network of language schools cum influence agencies, began to take root in American universities and high schools. (Today, there are ) Chinese venture capitalists flooded Silicon Valley with — then quietly siphoned off and injected it into .
But Mr. Xi has been aggressively hard-line. Under him, has spread in official media. The Chinese government has been explicit about wanting to challenge . It has made aggressive . It has sent off the coast of Alaska. (It claimed to only be exercising the internationally recognized right of “innocent passage,” but the move clearly was a show of force.)
State authorities in Beijing try to co-opt members of China’s vast diaspora, hoping to develop a network that will facilitate political infiltration into other countries and high-tech transfers out of them. To this end, they resort to both overt schemes, like , an official headhunting program, and covert tactics overseen by the C.C.P.’s influence machine, the .
These efforts have set off alarms among some Americans. In and , two groups of blue-ribbon scholars and ex-officials from previous United States administrations advocated a fundamental change in America’s view of China. Their members were moderates and mostly well-disposed toward China. Yet some of their recommendations dovetailed with who consider China to be . Mr. Xi, apparently oblivious to this sea change, was caught unprepared when Mr. Trump hit China with a tariff war.
The dispute is having a knock-on effect elsewhere in Asia, Australia and , and . After last month, China agreed to grant European Union countries “improved” , stop the forced transfer of technology and discuss the possibility of curtailing state subsidies to Chinese companies, which, other governments say, gives them an unfair competitive advantage. Although these concessions were presented in the mild, mutual-promise language of a joint statement, they were a clear setback for China and will blunt its global ambitions.
Why is all of this happening under Mr. Xi? History suggests an answer.
In the late 1950s, Mao began , then a potent force that hoped to overturn the United States-led world order. Mao was also seeking global dominance, in line with the traditional concept that the emperor of the Middle Kingdom was the rightful ruler of “tian xia” (天下), . But Mao overreached; China wasn’t strong enough for that then. The Soviet Union’s decision to scrap aid programs to China and pull out its scientific and technological advisers there dealt to China’s underperforming socialist economy.
Like Mao with the Soviets, Mr. Xi may have challenged the global leadership of the United States too hard and too soon.