This report just in from The Wall Street Journal. EITHER WE EXTERMINATE THE EVIL HAN CHINESE RACE OR THEY WILL ENSLAVE US. These are the choices open to Western Civilisation. Simple.
AKSU, China—Western companies, including brand
name apparel makers and food companies, have become entangled in China’s
campaign to forcibly
assimilate its Muslim population.
Adidas AG, Hennes & Mauritz AB, Kraft Heinz Co. , Coca-Cola Co. andGap Inc. are among
those at the end of the long, often opaque supply chains that travel through
China’s northwest region of Xinjiang. Residents there are routinely forced into
training programs that feed workers to area factories, according to locals,
official notices and state media.
Political indoctrination is a significant component of the
programs, which are aimed at ethnic Uighurs and other Muslim minorities,
according to official notices. Along with vocational skills, the curriculum
covers Mandarin Chinese, the importance of the Communist Party and national
unity, Chinese law and how to counter extremism—such as not dressing too
conservatively or praying too frequently. The programs can include militarylike
drills.
For workers and factory bosses, resistance to such programs
could result in detention as suspected extremist sympathizers.
Some companies said such compulsory training programs would
contravene their policies for suppliers, which mandate responsible workplace
conditions, free of discrimination.
Much of this has taken place under the radar. Beijing has
directed Chinese companies to bring jobs to Xinjiang, often through
subcontracting that isn’t known to Western companies, as part of the
government’s effort to reduce what it says is violence and religious extremism
in the area.
Authorities in Xinjiang have also put in place aggressive
surveillance measures, razed traditional
Uighur neighborhoods and drawn international protest over detention camps
for Muslims.
A karaoke hot pot restaurant in
Aksu, left, sits next to the old city mosque. The mosque has been converted
into a morgue. PHOTO: EVA DOU/THE WALL
STREET JOURNAL
In interviews, local officials said residents weren’t being
forced into training programs, and that they are helping impoverished residents
find jobs. Xinjiang’s government said in a written statement there is no forced
labor in the region and called any talk of it “rumor and slander.”
A large mill for Huafu Fashion Co. in Aksu runs its workers through
a monthlong job-training program in cooperation with the government. The city,
near China’s border with Kyrgyzstan, is blanketed in barbed wire, police
checkpoints and security cameras. Three-quarters of its residents are Uighur.
A photo in an online announcement for Huafu’s training site,
opened in December 2017 with 600 trainees, shows female workers dressed in
camouflage standing at attention. The factory is billed as the world’s largest
mixed-color cotton yarn mill, and the local government said in official notices
the Huafu site was part of the “establishment of large-scale vocational
training.”
Speaking to residents is difficult; local officials interrupted
interviews during the Journal’s recent trip to the region. In one interview
near the Huafu mill, with officials hovering nearby, 20-year-old Subinur Ghojam
and a co-worker said they had come to the factory from a training program.
“Before I used to have extremist thoughts, but now they’re all gone,” Ms.
Ghojam said.
After she was heard telling a reporter she had been in a
training center, officials took her into a room in an adjacent restaurant. She
then returned and said, “They say it’s secret. Even speaking of it is not
allowed.”
The gray yarn made by Huafu in Xinjiang goes to factories
elsewhere in China and in Bangladesh and Cambodia that weave T-shirts for
Hennes & Mauritz’s H&M retail
chain, two people familiar with the company say. The yarn also turns up in the
supply chains of Adidas and Esprit Holdings Ltd. , although the brands don’t buy directly from
Huafu, according to the companies.
Chinese troops in Aksu. PHOTO: CHAO DENG/THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
In response to queries, Adidas said it has advised its suppliers
to suspend yarn purchases from Huafu pending its investigation. Adidas had
already banned its suppliers from hiring workers through Xinjiang government
agencies in 2016, saying it was concerned about forced labor and
discrimination. Esprit said it is investigating Huafu. H&M said it has no
plans to begin new supplier relationships in the region.
Huafu, based in eastern China, said all its workers are there
voluntarily, and its labor management system was “fully compliant with
international conventions and regulations.” In a statement, the company said
its in-house training program is mandatory for all new workers regardless of
ethnicity or religion.
A Gap spokeswoman said two of its suppliers use yarn from mills
in Xinjiang, and the brand is currently sorting supplier mills as “preferred”
and “non-preferred.” The company has “communicated to our vendors’ entire mill
base our expectations of their social and environmental performance, which are
conditions of doing business with us,” she said.
A few years ago, Chinese President Xi Jinping ordered a
full-scale crackdown in Xinjiang after bombings and other violence authorities
blamed on Islamic militants. Boosting employment was central to the government’s
strategy. “A person with a job will be stable,” Mr. Xi told local officials in
2014.
New ThreadBeijing has
encouraged more yarn productionin Xinjiang, the source of 84% of
China'scotton.Cotton production
.million
tonsXinjiangRest of China2008’10’12’14’16’1802468
Xinjiang's yarn
production as a share ofChina'sSources: Xinjiang Statistics Bureau; China
NationalBureau of Statistics
%2010’12’14’16’1802468
Major garment makers have been given a five-year tax exemption
and subsidies for electricity, land and worker training to move production to
Xinjiang.
Nate Herman, a senior vice president for the American Apparel
and Footwear Association, an industry trade group, said his group has discussed
the Uighur situation and the opacity of supply chains in Xinjiang. “We know
there’s an issue,” he said.
In southern Xinjiang, the governments of Hotan and Kashgar
announced in 2017 a three-year push to place 100,000 “surplus rural laborers”
in vocational programs.
In Aksu, officials have gathered up more than 4,000 residents
over the past two years for deradicalization and textile-making courses under
“concentrated, closed-off, military-style management” to meet factories’ labor
needs, Aksu’s human resources and social services bureau said in a notice in
December. Many were headed for textile factories, the notice said.
Downtown Aksu. PHOTO: CHAO DENG/THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
During the Journal’s visit, village bulletin boards around Aksu
displayed lists of residents below the poverty line, with their full names,
national ID numbers and reason for impoverishment (“lack land,” “lack skills,”
“lack motivation”). All of the dozens of listed names viewed by the Journal in
two villages carried the same case resolution: “transferred to work.”
Documents related to training programs were deleted from
government websites after the Journal posed questions to local officials.
A Uighur outside of the city remembers officials sweeping
through villages to “organize” locals to work in textile factories last year.
If the workers quit, the person said, officials return to organize them again.
“If the government tells you to go work, you go,” this person
said.
Li Xinbin, propaganda chief of Aksu, said he and other officials
are assigned individual families to lift out of poverty, defined as an annual
income below 2,300 yuan ($340), by the end of this year. They use personal time
and funds if necessary, and must log their progress in a smartphone app. Mr. Li
said the city had no “training centers” of any kind.
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Chinese officials have applied the term vocational training
broadly, including for detention camps where Uighurs say they were tortured and
forced to renounce Islam.
Adrian Zenz, who researches Xinjiang’s camps, said the detention
centers and shorter term job-training programs form a continuum of coercion.
“In either case, these types of training are not really voluntary but
government-mandated.”
Hong Kong-based Esquel Group—the world’s largest contract
shirt maker, which says its customers include Calvin Klein, Tommy Hilfiger,Nike Inc. and Patagonia
Inc.—set up three spinning mills in Xinjiang to be close to the region’s cotton
fields. Esquel CEO John Cheh said that in 2017 officials began offering the
company Uighurs from southern Xinjiang as workers.
Esquel took 34 in total the past two years, with all hiring
decisions and training made independently of the government, Mr. Cheh said: “We
were in no way forced to employ anyone.”
Cotton seeds being sowed in
Xinjiang last year. PHOTO: DU
BINGXUN/XINHUA/ZUMA PRESS
PVH Corp. , the parent company of Calvin Klein and Tommy
Hilfiger, said it plans to increase scrutiny of raw materials suppliers. Nike
said it was asking its suppliers if they use cotton from Xinjiang. Patagonia
declined to comment.
Xinjiang Jinliyuan Garment Co. put villagers supplied by the
government through a training program that included “de-extremification” before
setting them to work, according to government announcements.
Jinliyuan makes some jackets for European-based retail chain
C&A, a unit of Cofra Holding AG. A Xinjiang TV report in July also showed
workers at the factory sewing pink Minnie Mouse-themed children’s parkas.
“Before we would recruit workers one by one ourselves, but now
the human resources and social security bureau and management committees find
labor for us,” said production manager Zhang Yujiang in the broadcast.
A Disney spokeswoman
said the company doesn’t have relationships with garment factories in Xinjiang
and didn’t authorize the Aksu mill to produce the parkas. She wouldn’t specify
whether the garments were counterfeit. A spokesman for C&A said the
retailer bought jackets from the Aksu mill last year after audits found no
issues. Jinliyuan didn’t respond to requests for comment.
A July article in the state-run Xinjiang Economic Journal
said that executives of Cofco Tunhe Co. visited Aksu’s Aketuohai village to recruit
villagers to their factory to help the government’s poverty-alleviation push.
The state-run company is China’s largest tomato processor, with Xinjiang as its
main production base, supplying tomato paste to Kraft Heinz and Campbell Soup and sugar to Coca-Cola.
A Cofco Tunhe Co.
tomato-processing plant in Aksu. PHOTO: CHAO
DENG/THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
According to the article, managers noted some villagers weren’t
eager to work, saying “the vast majority of them ran back within a few days.”
Cofco Tunhe said in a statement that events described in the
article “never happened.” It said all its workers were there voluntarily.
Kraft Heinz said 5% of its tomato supply came from Xinjiang,
with none sold in the U.S. Campbell Soup said less than 2% of its tomato paste
comes from China, with those products sold in Australia and Malaysia. Coca-Cola
said it requires suppliers to follow “our strict policies on responsible
workplace and human rights” and uses third-party agencies to monitor
compliance.
Xinjiang companies are expected to make regular donations to the
local government for policy campaigns and public security. In its 2017 annual
report, Cofco Tunhe said it donated 3.5 million yuan ($520,000) to Aksu’s Wushi
County government for vocational skills training, low-income housing, tomato
industry development and a security patrol car.
Cofco Tunhe said the donated vehicle was a service car to assist
residents.
After the initial training, Xinjiang factories are expected to
monitor workers and conduct periodic deradicalization programs, according to
factory announcements. At the Aksu textile park, a subsidiary of Shanghai-listed
shirtmaker Youngor Group Co. held such a session for 240 workers in May 2017 at
the request of park management.
At the meeting, workers were told not to pray in public or keep
books with ethnic or religious content, according to an online post by Youngor.
The post said employees were told not to browse or spread online content
harmful to ethnic unity, and that the company would tighten its internet
oversight.
Youngor didn’t respond to requests for comment.
The Northern Han Neanderthal crime family has been marked for extermination. Psalm 21 KJV
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