The tragedy and the irony of the capitalist bourgeoisie is that it needs dictatorial power to expropriate workers at the beginning of its reign - to effect what Marx and historians since have called "primitive accumulation" -; it then needs to relent and expand democratic rule as it consolidates its power within national boundaries; but then, as its ill-gotten wealth and power over workers is extended to other working populations in other territories and nation-states, the bourgeoisie begins once more to resist democratic movements at home because (a) they threaten its political hegemony, of course, and (b) they clash with the more dictatorial powers that the bourgeoisie promotes in those other territories or "markets" to ensure maximum exploitation of the workers there!
The Tractatus Theologico-Politicus that we discuss below was written by Baruch Spinoza 350 years ago to encourage the Dutch commercial bourgeoisie to defend and uphold democracy in the Netherlands which was being attacked by the conservative loyalist authoritarian landed feudal aristocracy. The Tractatus was an impassioned plea with and warning to this benighted bourgeoisie that unless they seriously defended democracy, they would inevitably succumb to the dark forces of authoritarian anti-mercantilist reaction.
Of course, this is exactly the analogous situation that we are facing right now: having to cajole our own ever-richer and authoritarian international or "globalist" Western bourgeoisie to defend democracy against the onslaught of murderous regimes and populations such as the Han Chinese Dictatorship - and its people! However attracted Western bourgeoisies might be to these pernicious and blood-thirsty Rats, the fact is that without a renewed Western Crusade against these malignant cancerous outgrowths of capitalism, the entire achievements of Western Judaeo-Christian liberal and democratic civilisations will be lost, maybe forever.
But what can be the rational foundations of a new Faith in Freedom and Reason? This is the question we are seeking to answer in our series on "The Concept of Freedom". Enjoy!
Reason itself is not immune to faith! Faith is inconfutable; in contrast,
the conclusions of reason must be falsifiable!
(Cf. Karl Popper, Conjectures and
Refutations, The Logic of Scientific
Discovery.) Faith is the end of
Reason – as the nec plus ultra or
ultimate boundary or limit or terminus ad
quem of Reason because no more questions can be asked, no more “reasons”
can be given. Beyond Reason lies
Fichte’s projectio per hiatus
irrationalem. Faith is the unstated and unwitting, and perhaps unwanted aim
of Reason, its Voll-endung, its
con-clusion, its com-pletion, its satis-faction. For Reason not to debouch into
faith, it needs to keep its quest end-less,
abjuring and eschewing faith. For Reason to keep its integrity, it must
renounce and revile all faith except in itself!
But then, to do so, it must offer “reasons” – never step over into blind faith, into mysticism. To maintain its
faith in itself, Reason must combat all other faiths as false gods. Reason can and must only tolerate itself –
and no faith other than in itself! (Cf. the First Commandment, “Thou shalt
have no god other than me”.)
Thus, the purpose of the state [Respublica]… is freedom. Furthermore, we have seen that the one essential feature in the formation of the state was that all power to make laws should be vested in the entire citizen body, or in a number of citizens, or in one man. For since there is a considerable diversity in the free judgment of men, each believing that he alone knows best, and since it is impossible that all should think alike and speak with one voice, peaceful existence could not be achieved unless every man surrendered his right to act just as he thought fit. Thus, it was only the right to act as he thought fit that each man surrendered, and not his right to reason and judge. So while to act against the sovereign's decree is definitely an infringement of his right, this is not the case with thinking, judging, and consequently with speaking, too, provided one does no more than express or communicate one's opinion, defending it through rational conviction alone, not through deceit, anger, hatred, or the will to effect such changes in the state as he himself decides. (TTP, 293)
Thus,
the purpose of the state [Respublica]…
is freedom. … For since there is a considerable diversity in the free judgment
of men, each believing that he alone knows best, and since it is impossible
that all should think alike and speak with one voice, peaceful existence could not be achieved unless every man surrendered
his right to act just as he thought fit. Thus, it was only the right to act
as he thought fit that each man surrendered, and not his right to reason and
judge. So while to act against the
sovereign's decree is definitely an infringement of his right, this is not the
case with thinking, judging, and consequently with speaking, too, provided one
does no more than express or communicate one's opinion, defending it through rational conviction alone, not through
deceit, anger, hatred, or the will to effect such changes in the state as he
himself decides. (TTP, 293)
The Tractatus Theologico-Politicus that we discuss below was written by Baruch Spinoza 350 years ago to encourage the Dutch commercial bourgeoisie to defend and uphold democracy in the Netherlands which was being attacked by the conservative loyalist authoritarian landed feudal aristocracy. The Tractatus was an impassioned plea with and warning to this benighted bourgeoisie that unless they seriously defended democracy, they would inevitably succumb to the dark forces of authoritarian anti-mercantilist reaction.
Of course, this is exactly the analogous situation that we are facing right now: having to cajole our own ever-richer and authoritarian international or "globalist" Western bourgeoisie to defend democracy against the onslaught of murderous regimes and populations such as the Han Chinese Dictatorship - and its people! However attracted Western bourgeoisies might be to these pernicious and blood-thirsty Rats, the fact is that without a renewed Western Crusade against these malignant cancerous outgrowths of capitalism, the entire achievements of Western Judaeo-Christian liberal and democratic civilisations will be lost, maybe forever.
But what can be the rational foundations of a new Faith in Freedom and Reason? This is the question we are seeking to answer in our series on "The Concept of Freedom". Enjoy!
[1] Hitherto our concern has been to separate philosophy from theology and
to establish the freedom to philosophize which this separation allows to
everyone. The time has now come to
enquire how far this freedom to think and to say what one thinks extends in the
best kind of state. To consider this in an orderly fashion, we must first
discuss the foundations of the state but, before we do that, we must explain,
without reference to the state and religion, the natural right (jus) which everyone possesses. (Spinoza,
Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, p.195)
It is surely no historical coincidence that the rise of capitalism in the last five hundred
years runs abreast with that of modern skepticism.
(See R. Popkin, The History of Scepticism
from Erasmus to Spinoza.) The rising European bourgeoisie needed to
question and undermine religious faith to the extent that such faith posed a
clear and imponent obstacle to the research and experimentation and the
elimination of old customs and traditions required to facilitate the relentless
advance of capitalist industrial production and distribution. The old faith of absolutist regimes needed to be
substituted with a new “marketplace of ideas” in which the “citizens” of the
new liberal nation-states based on parliamentary representation could argue,
discuss, debate and above all else
experiment to their hearts’ content, so long as the real marketplace of the
economy, subject to the scientific “laws of the self-regulating market”, was
left untouched by religious faith and other inhibitions and superstitions. (On all
this, see our “Descartes’s World”.)
In effect, the bourgeoisie could homologate, on one side,
the ideology of a technical-neutral economic science that could preserve
scientifically the expanded reproduction of bourgeois society and, on the other
side, the freedom of thought and of religious observance or faith by means of
the corresponding political neutrality
of the liberal State in the sphere of public opinion. This was then and remains to this day the essence of bourgeois liberalism – the belief that the
technical scientificity of the capitalist marketplace can ensure the efficient
reproduction of society – the Economics
– on one side, and the freedom of thought, of faith, and even of speech in the
public sphere – the Politics – with
the homologation of these very heterogeneous spheres – one scientific, Economic, and the other eminently Political – guaranteed osmotically by
the technical neutrality of the liberal State – the State of Law.
The secret to the enduring and universal prescriptions,
appeal and legitimacy of Political
Economy, from Smith to Mill and beyond to the Neoclassics, was all here.
And it is precisely on this Political Economy homologating the scientific
sphere of Economics with the Political one of public opinion (freedom of
thought, of opinion, and of faith) that the liberal State was founded. The
technical-neutral legitimacy of the liberal State was based precisely on its
ability to secure the inflexible, authoritarian
scientific operation of capitalist
industry, on one hand, and the liberal
tolerance of divergent and conflicting views, opinions, ideas and faiths in
the political sphere. It was thus that the neat separation between economic base and ideological superstructure espoused and theorised even by the
sharpest critics of bourgeois liberal society (not least Karl Marx and Marxism tout court) could triumph unhindered and
unquestioned across the political spectrum from bourgeois conservatism to
proletarian socialism. Tolerance in
public opinion and absolute discipline
in the factory: these were and are the unspoken foundations of liberal
bourgeois society and of capitalist industry.
Spinoza’s earnest endeavor “to separate philosophy from
theology” must be situated in this politico-ideological spectrum whereby the
logico-scientific and instrumental reason of bourgeois industry and science
could be freed from the strictures of religious faith and other social customs
through the very skepticism that instrumental reason invokes to demolish all
unproven and unscientific beliefs and customs. - And therefore, in Spinoza’s
own symmetry, the separation of faith from reason is predicated on the skeptical
tenet that Reason does not rely on or indeed contain any elements of faith –
that the two are mutually exclusive. His
is perhaps the most veiled summation of the bourgeois “scientific” skepticism
that presents Reason as (a) almost exclusively instrumental reason (logical and
mathematical calculation), and therefore (b) as a negative critical tool to be
employed in the adjudication of open debate over opinions and beliefs, though
not faith itself which, ex hypothesi,
is entirely “separate” from and therefore incommensurable with reason itself.
In this regard, Spinoza’s novel approach to Reason and faith is ultimately an
attempt to promote tolerance in public debate by (i) removing faith from the
public sphere, and (ii) reassuring the citizens of the new bourgeois republics
in Holland and Britain that their State could act as a technico-neutral
institution to guarantee freedom of thought and speech in a “marketplace of
ideas” that could function only if the analogous and homologous real
marketplace of capitalist production could be left to its own
scientifically-established self-regulation.
(On all this, the insuperable reference is K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation.)
In reality, however, this impassioned defence of the
bourgeois economic marketplace and its political counterpart in the marketplace
of opinions (public opinion) could not stand because faith and reason cannot be
so neatly separated as Spinoza imagined. Faith and reason are not mutually
exclusive because the two are jointly exhaustive.
Although instrumental reason is a pure faculty of thought as Wittgenstein
showed (we may contradict ourselves in error, but we cannot entertain contradiction), this is
certainly not true of substantive Reason. Because the “truth” that substantive
Reason seeks to establish is a practical-ethical goal and, as such, it must entail the existence of a belief or
faith in the desirability of truth.
This is so because there cannot be any ultimate proof – logical or scientific
or otherwise – of the desirability of Reason and truth. We are either on the
side of these human faculties and goals or we are not. The choice is ours. Yet,
this does not mean that we cannot or must desist from advancing overwhelming
practical reasons behind our choice to follow Reason and truth, and ultimately to
choose freedom. (We shall review the phenomenological grounding of our “faith
in Reason” later.)
Thus, “the freedom to philosophize” is not “allowed by the separation of philosophy from theology” and
therefore of reason from faith for two concomitant reasons. The first is that
substantive Reason engenders and ultimately must be sustained by faith in itself. The second is that
faith – blind faith especially – cannot be pure “piety and obedience” and thus
it necessarily interferes with substantive Reason. In other words, Reason ultimately cannot and must not tolerate any
faith other than faith in reason!
Just as Spinoza’s political theory retraces and in many ways
re-proposes Hobbes’s own superbly coherent summation of the fundamental
principles of bourgeois society and its underlying foundational ideology, so
does his attempted separation of faith from reason reflect – faithfully! – the bourgeois conviction
that the reasonable, indeed scientific,
technical-neutral functioning of the capitalist economy is the indispensable
condition for the existence of a free
liberal society – evidently one that is able to separate the public “thing”
- the wealth that is common in the “Common-wealth”, the res publica - from the freedom of faith
and thought that the bourgeois economy and bourgeois liberalism jointly guarantee. There is an implicit belief
in this ideology that the economic base of a society – its material reproduction - (a) can be insulated scientifically and technically
(through the human faculty of instrumental reason) from the sphere of public
opinion and subjective belief and faith; and (b) such insulation can guarantee
the peaceful co-existence of any ideas, customs, beliefs and opinions that
members of the society might entertain. The bourgeois ideology of liberalism is
all here.
Note that this
bourgeois-capitalist ideology – liberalism
– does not countenance or envisage the active democratic participation of
citizens in the constitution of the State. On the contrary, it assumes that the
liberal State is “scientifically” or “naturally” constituted so that the
citizens are not the active democratic decision-makers but instead are the
passive recipients of “liberties” or “legal guarantees” on the part of this
technically-neutral and scientifically constituted “natural” State – “natural”
because it is the natural outgrowth of the natural rights and propensities of
the individuals that have agreed contractually to found bourgeois civil society
and the liberal State! Spinoza’s evident aim in the Tractatus is to draw the “reasonable” acquisition of
the res publica, of bourgeois civil society and its State, from the “natural
rights” pre-existing in “the state of nature”. In this respect, Spinoza’s
political theory is closer to John Locke’s than it is to Thomas Hobbes’s.
It is entirely obvious that this type of “insulation” of
economics from politics is homologous and analogous to the presumed separation
of faith from reason and philosophy from theology that Spinoza attempts and
claims to have demonstrated: the “freedom” – of opinion and faith – guaranteed
by “the State of Law” of liberal society depends entirely on this separation! Spinoza
assumes here that faith is a pure intense
feeling of devotion to a Supreme Being that abstracts from, and voids itself of,
any specific content that might concern human behavior – excluding, of course,
the very action of focusing on this faith by sheer mental exertion. For
Spinoza, faith consists of pure Piety and Obedience. For Spinoza, Reason, by
contrast - although like faith it remains a pure mental process (a “tool”, just
like instrumental reason or indeed economics for Schumpeter and Joan Robinson was
“a box of tools”) that is entirely conceptual and therefore abstract and
formal, that is, immaterial – , yet must be applied purely
instrumentally to human activities to determine how and to what extent they are
feasible.
But it is just as obvious, however, how untenable Spinoza’s
proposition is. Faith always and inevitably, like any other thought, must have
a material content, not least because
it is a material thought process. (One may recall here Kant’s saying that “intuition
without concepts is blind, and concepts without intuition are empty”. As we
have sought to show in our discussion of Kant in “The Philosophy of the Flesh”, this is probably as close as Kant
ever got to admitting that thoughts too are “material”. Heidegger’s anthropological
existentialist reformulation of Kant’s idealism in the Kantbuch moves in a parallel direction to ours.) For Spinoza, faith
can be without practical content – a pure dimension of thought; an ethereal intension, rather than a practical extension; whereas reason must have a
practical extension or application, for otherwise it would not be “reason” at
all – that is, both ratio and causa, both calculation of the relation between real material entities and causal link between them. For him faith
is an abstract belief or emotion toward the Deity – it is pure “piety and
obedience” – and can therefore be “empty” as well as “blind”. But piety toward whom
or what, we ask? Worse still, Obedience
to whose Will? By contrast, Reason is
instead a formal faculty to connect real thoughts and entities: it cannot be
“empty” because reason cannot ec-sist
without the world; and it most certainly is not “blind” because its only
purpose is to be applied to the world (cf.
Kant’s notion of intuition).
Pure faith is “blind” when and because it is devoid of reason, not backed by
practical experience. Reason cannot be co-extensive with faith because its
goals must always be backed by evidence. Faith other than faith in Reason must
be blind; Reason cannot be blind if
it wishes to preserve itself. Reason must be concrete; faith cannot be so. Yet,
empty faith is pointless! Blind faith is the contrary of “empty faith”: –
indeed, it is so “blindly” fixed or fixated
on its “points” – the object of faith - that there is no point in arguing against it! It is pointless to attempt to persuade blind faith from pursuing its
“point”! The point of blind faith is that it cannot be disproven; it is
implicit, total, blind – it is immune to reason and reasoning! (For a more
sympathetic approach to faith, but one wholly consistent with ours here, see
amongst others M. Cacciari, Della Cosa
Ultima, p.127.) This point can be driven home if we begin to think of
religious faith in terms of “religious observance”
– that is, in terms of the specific conduct
that religious faith inevitably prescribes or proscribes!
Thus, the purpose of the state [Respublica]… is freedom. Furthermore, we have seen that the one essential feature in the formation of the state was that all power to make laws should be vested in the entire citizen body, or in a number of citizens, or in one man. For since there is a considerable diversity in the free judgment of men, each believing that he alone knows best, and since it is impossible that all should think alike and speak with one voice, peaceful existence could not be achieved unless every man surrendered his right to act just as he thought fit. Thus, it was only the right to act as he thought fit that each man surrendered, and not his right to reason and judge. So while to act against the sovereign's decree is definitely an infringement of his right, this is not the case with thinking, judging, and consequently with speaking, too, provided one does no more than express or communicate one's opinion, defending it through rational conviction alone, not through deceit, anger, hatred, or the will to effect such changes in the state as he himself decides. (TTP, 293)
Spinoza’s aim is the co-existence
of faith and reason (see quotation above). To secure this co-existence, he has
to divorce faith from politics and leave politics to Reason. That is precisely
the utopia of liberalism, of
capitalist ideology: to separate the technical-neutral, scientific operation of
the economy, the contractual society of self-interested individuals, from their
opinions and beliefs and faiths. If indeed the reproduction of society (simple
or expanded) can be secured scientifically through the optimal allocation of
social resources by means of the market mechanism, then a similar operation can
be achieved in the sphere of public opinion where the free exchange of ideas
can lead to a contractual “meeting of the minds” or agreement between
individuals such that they will reach a democratic consensus over the laws of
the republic and its State. The underlying assumption here is that the market
mechanism that governs the sphere of production and distribution of social
wealth is (a) dependent on materialistic utilitarian motives from
self-interested individuals, and (b) both these materialistic motives and the
market mechanism regulating them are independent from and indeed impervious to
other beliefs, motives, opinions and faiths that can be freely debated and
decided upon in “the marketplace of public opinion”.
The reproduction of
capitalist society is thus made to be dependent on technical-neutral objective scientific developments
independent of “subjective” faiths
and opinions, while these “life-style” choices can be debated democratically and be guaranteed constitutionally by the welfare-tutelary liberal State which
serves as an osmotic barrier to
ensure that the “subjective side” of faith and opinion does not interfere with
the “objective side” of science, technology and economics that ensures the
efficient reproduction of capitalist society. Here is Spinoza again:
[14]
In order, then, for loyalty to be valued rather than flattery, and for
sovereigns to retain their full authority and not be forced to surrender to
sedition, freedom of judgment must necessarily be permitted and people must be governed
in such a way that they can live in harmony, even though they openly hold different
and contradictory opinions. We cannot doubt that this is the best way of ruling,
and has the least disadvantages, since it is the one most in harmony with human
nature. In a democratic state (which is the one closest to the state of nature),
all men agree, as we showed above, to act but not to judge or think according
to the common decision. That is, because people cannot all have the same
opinions, they have agreed that the view which gains the most votes should acquire
the force of a decision, reserving always the right to recall their decision whenever
they should find a better course. The less people are accorded liberty of
judgment, consequently, the further they are from the most natural condition
and, hence, the more oppressive the regime.
The democratic state is “the
one closest to the state of nature” because it preserves the utilitarian
self-interest of individuals. But to that “utilitarian equilibrium” of possessive individualism, the democratic
state advocated by Spinoza adds the security
of the liberal State – the protection of “life, liberty, and estate” (John
Locke, Two Treatises). Spinoza’s
democratic state does not deliberate on the allocation of social resources, on
the reproduction of society and the distribution of wealth. Instead, it is
entirely confined to the sphere of opinion: -
…freedom
of judgment must necessarily be permitted and people must be governed in such a
way that they can live in harmony, even though they openly hold different and contradictory opinions. We cannot doubt that this
is the best way of ruling, and has the least disadvantages, since it is the one
most in harmony with human nature.
Once again, Spinoza’s supposition – his prejudicial
assumption – is that the material interests of self-interested individuals in
the state of nature are (a) natural
and therefore (b) pre-determined and immutable
except through abusive violence that the “security” of the State alone can
protect and for which the individuals agree to erect the State in the first
place! The role of the State, then, is that of securing the natural rights to
possession that obtained in the state of nature, and to guarantee the freedom
of thought of the newly-formed citizenry. As with Schopenhauer, the fundamental
rationale of the State, of the res
publica, is the salus publica:
the State is Police! The seal of this
“opinionistic” stance of Spinoza’s is the fact that the Tractatus is assuredly “political” – but it is above all theologico-political in the sense that
its overriding aim is to regulate the relation between Reason as the formation
of public opinion and Faith as the foundation of Religion! Spinoza’s only
concern is the freedom of thought unburdened from the oppression of rulers and
above all from religious interference.
Put bluntly, Spinoza’s
aim in the Tractatus is to legitimize the bourgeois liberal State by (a)
asserting the dependence of its reproductive economic base on pre-political
“natural rights” ascertainable and defensible through “reason” (by which he
intends “instrumental reason”) unencumbered by religious faith and other creeds,
and (b) seeking to prove the conceptual and practical independence and
separation of faith from reason so as to demonstrate the ability of the
bourgeois liberal State to guarantee freedom of thought and speech. In
other words, Spinoza is contending that faith is politically harmless because it does not interfere with the
reasoning of a liberal bourgeois society – so long as those who observe their
faith in liberal society stick to pure faith as piety and obedience! The circulus vitiosus, the tautological
reasoning in Spinoza’s argument would be laughable if it did not come from such
a genial mind! (Incidentally, it is obvious from our analysis that we side with
Massimo Cacciari against Antonio Negri in their epic diatribe over the
assessment of Spinoza’s political philosophy and theory of the State. Far from
being a revolutionary democrat, as Negri contended, Spinoza here reveals
himself as a proponent of the liberal bourgeois State, as Cacciari maintained.)
In
a democratic state (which is the one closest to the state of nature), all men agree, as we showed above, to act but not to judge or think according
to the common decision.
But judging and thinking are a form of acting – especially when they concern material interests! Once
again, as he always does, Spinoza solves the problem of the democratic state
and conflict of interest by defining or assuming the conflict away, by
restricting it to the sphere of opinion
as against action! No regard
whatsoever is had by Spinoza for how and to what extent thoughts and words and
associations are to be safeguarded or tolerated
against the interests of the republic. Nor does he pay any attention to the
“economic” question – to the production and distribution of social wealth, to
the conflict of material interests that invariably is accompanied by seemingly
“ideological” debates. This is sheer theoretical and practical folly because
the “scientific” operation of the economic base can never be isolated from the
opinions, beliefs, customs and, of course, the “faith” that Spinoza wishes to
protect with his freedom of thought and action as well as of religious
observance! In short, what Spinoza leaves out is the whole question of tolerance. As Balibar puts it,
The difficulty - and the
interest - of the political theory set out in the TTP lies in the tension it
creates between notions which are apparently incompatible and which are still
perceived as such even today. This tension at first appears to stem from the
attempt to transcend the ambiguities inherent in the idea of "tolerance". (Spinoza and Politics, p.25.)
(Balibar, in his Spinoza
and Politics, carries out a spirited exegesis and justification of the
Dutch philosopher’s many contradictory political notions – with the notable
merit of at least identifying them and dutifully and meticulously pointing them
out!)
“Transcend the ambiguities inherent in the idea of
‘tolerance’” – indeed! Spinoza merely ignores them by defining them away, by
(a) defining true faith as a practice with no political content, and (b) by
confining reason to instrumental reason, which allows (i) for the freedom of
bourgeois public opinion, and (ii) the freedom of bourgeois commercial and
scientific experimentation. (As we showed in “Descartes’s World”, commercial
and industrial capitalist enterprise are inseparable in the history of
capitalism.) The problem with Spinoza’s entire theorization of the free
republic is that, on one hand, he defines problems away; and on the other hand,
when the problems keep cropping up in reality, he simply says that they are not
problems in any case because conflict simply makes the free republic freer!
It is quite surprising that Spinoza, the foremost proponent
of the mos geometricus – the
syllogistic argumentation so ably adopted in his Ethics – should fall into so many palpable contradictions, vicious
circles, non sequiturs and
tautologies! It is true that Spinoza developed his political theory in a much
more systematic and deductive form in the late Tractatus Politicus (minus the theology, that is). The strict
determinism and immanentism of the late Tractatus
Politicus brings him much closer to the materialist mechanicism of Hobbes.
Importantly, however, Spinoza moves away from the jusnaturalistic (natural
right) possessive individualistic premises of the earlier Tractatus to a more collectivist immanentist position (one that we
shall develop presently).
Still, when it comes to truly syllogistic or even Euclidean
argumentation, one can do no better than to prefer the sublime consistency of
Thomas Hobbes’s political theory whose materialism was far more scientifically
based than Spinoza’s immanentism. It was to avoid the contradictions of
liberalism, and therefore in full awareness of them, that Hobbes founded his
bourgeois political theory on illiberal principles! In fact, it is
not surprising that Spinoza’s later Tractatus too moves in this illiberal
direction, out of sheer consistency.
Thus, it is not
possible to separate faith from reason because faith inevitably points to a
real material content, to a specific course of action – which inevitably and
invariably attracts the critique of
reason for “kingdoms not of this world” (Weber) that yet seek to interfere with
life in this world! And therefrom
erupts the clash, the conflict between blind
faith and skeptical reason. Hence,
by way of conclusion, we must return to the Spinoza quotation we already cited above,
which is the fatidic point where he finally confronts the true crux of the
problem in defining a free republic – “la
questione spinosa”, we may wittily call it (the spiny issue):
As we have established, contrary to what Spinoza contends, “thinking, judging, and
consequently…speaking” are forms of political action! (Hannah Arendt spent
her entire lifetime trying to prove this essential point – see The Human Condition, above all.) In
other words, this is worth emphasizing – the
essential ingredient of a free republic is that decisions are made
democratically when alternatives are deliberated upon “through rational conviction alone”! The next question for us
to tackle is this, then: given that faith and substantive Reason are
inseparable or, as we stated earlier, are “jointly exhaustive” and not
“mutually exclusive”, how can we reasonably build a republic founded
on our faith in Reason and freedom? And further, what are the rational foundations
of such a faith? And once we have established this, how far can we
tolerate views, opinions, ideas, creeds, faiths that challenge the very
legitimacy and stability of a free republic founded on faith in Reason?
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