I
open, by chance, Albert Mathiez’s La Revolution Francaise and parse
breathlessly its formidable preamble:
“The true revolutions, those that do not limit themselves to changing the political form and the government personnel, but rather transform the institutions and occasion the great transfers of property, seethe a long time subterranean before bursting to the light of day under the impulse of some fortuitous circumstance. The French Revolution, which caught unawares with its irresistible impetus not less its artificers and beneficiaries than those who became its victims, had a languid preparation for over a century. It sprang out of the discordance, each day more and more profound, between the reality of things and the laws, between the institutions and the customs, between the letter and the spirit”.
“The true revolutions, those that do not limit themselves to changing the political form and the government personnel, but rather transform the institutions and occasion the great transfers of property, seethe a long time subterranean before bursting to the light of day under the impulse of some fortuitous circumstance. The French Revolution, which caught unawares with its irresistible impetus not less its artificers and beneficiaries than those who became its victims, had a languid preparation for over a century. It sprang out of the discordance, each day more and more profound, between the reality of things and the laws, between the institutions and the customs, between the letter and the spirit”.
The
cardinal point to grasp is that in our analyses of all bourgeois political and
economic theories it is not relevant whether they are “true” or “scientific” or
indeed “false” or “fantastic”: What is most relevant is that these theories are
“strategies” (rather than “ideologies”) that give practical order or provide
guidance for the political effectiveness of capitalist social relations of
production to be preserved, reproduced and, wherever possible, expanded. We say “strategies” rather than “ideologies”
because our main objective is not to show that these theories are “false” or
“inaccurate”; rather, we are interested in their “effectiveness” in explaining,
revealing or concealing crucial aspects of capitalist reality and hegemonic
practice. For us, these theories are “true and scientific” to the extent that
they are effective: theirs is a partial truth – they are true only in
the sense and to the extent and for the period that they are “effective” -
although the theoreticians expounding them certainly believed their “scientificity”.
Our exclusive aim here is to identify and comprehend by means of
interpretation, analysis and critique of politico-economic theories of
capitalism, the essential components of capitalist society so as to enable us
to outline and develop our own strategies in the fight against it.
Here
we are standing “outside” philosophy and scholarship: we are designing and
shaping a “political tool” that will better enable us to combat the established
order by helping us com-prehend it from a practical standpoint. Defensive or
offensive is beside the point: this tool should help us fight and defeat an
enemy that threatens more than our personal enjoyment of life on earth, but
indeed the very survival of the ecosphere!
In
a nutshell, we wish to do the converse of the histoire raisonnee that Schumpeter attributed to Marx and then
sought to emulate. We wish to conduct instead a raisonnement historicise’ – a historicized reasoning, winding our
way through a series of critiques that parallel historical developments broadly
in the history of capitalism but more intensely in the history of theories
relating to capitalism, its history and its economy and, above all, its
“meaning”. We say “meaning” because “meaning” is what characterizes, prompts
and “shapes” human action: what we do has much to do with “why” we do it, and
“why” we do something has a lot to do with how we “interpret” things, the
world. (Arendt and Habermas come to mind. But contrast Pareto’s or Mannheim ’s studies of
“ideologies”.)
The
fact that a historical process has “meaning” does not mean that it is
“rational” in a purposive sense: the meaning may be different from the
self-understanding of that process or entity and, in any case, the purpose may
be irrational. We may distinguish between instrumental and substantive or
purposive rationality. To insist, for instance, that capitalism is an
“anarchic” social system fails to explain how it has survived and indeed
“grown” for so long.
It
is impossible to tell with certainty when the capitalist mode of production
that currently engulfs the world might come to an end. But if we study and
understand its historical origins and structural development, it may be
possible to elaborate a strategy for us to overcome it. A pre-condition for
superseding the present state of affairs is that it should come to be regarded
universally as a barrier to the further development of our human creative
potential. For this is how we increasingly and overwhelmingly are coming to
regard capitalism. It is not sufficient that the present system of human social
organisation show itself as “irrational”: for this system to be superseded, it
is necessary also that it become redundant and obsolete and above all
“counter-productive”. If we survey the state of the ecosphere and our
determinant role within it with any degree of practical objectivity, we will
asseverate that all the essential practical measures needed to ensure its
survival, let alone its enhancement in peaceful co-existence between its life
forms, have their way barred by the essential pre-requisite of all social,
political and industrial activity under the present system: - that it be
“profitable”.
A
time there may well have been when “profitability” went hand in hand with
“progress”. Yet what is certain is that such time lies now well in the past.
What we witness with growing certainty and clarity is the irrefutable truth
that “profitability” stands more than ever in the way of human individual and
social progress. It is possible to trace the birth of capitalism back to the
seventeenth century. But to be able to do that, we first need to identify the
historical components that make up this concept – which is the task we have
undertaken in the present work. So let us not pre-suppose what we are yet to
prove. Again, the present work may be described as the obverse of that histoire
raisonnee that Joseph Schumpeter so highly admired in the analytical method
of Karl Marx and that he too am Ende sought to adopt. By comparison,
ours can be described as a raisonnement historicise, a dialectical
enquiry into the origins and character of capitalism, at once an exegesis and a
critique that hopefully will light our path to a better and more humane future.
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