Commentary on Political Economy

Monday 29 April 2024

THE INCOMPARABLE MICHAEL PETTIS

Professor Pettis' rare gift is to understand that "trade wars are class wars" (the title of his recent book on these topics), with all that this insight implies for economic and political theory and analysis. Again, my profuse and humble thanks to this accomplished intellectual.

China’s problem is excess savings, not overcapacity


Michael Pettis is a is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Michael Pettis · 30 Apr 2024


While China and its trade partners continue to clash bitterly over manufacturing overcapacity and global trade, much of the discussion seems to be occurring at cross purposes.

Excess Chinese capacity in targeted industrial sectors is one area of contention. Excess Chinese savings driven by the suppression of domestic demand is another issue. These two points of contention are very different but analysts and policymakers on either side seem to confuse the two.

In the former case, Beijing has targeted certain industries such as electric vehicles and solar panels that it believes to be strategically important, and has implemented policies that are designed to give Chinese producers in these sectors a long-term comparative advantage. There is nothing especially Chinese about this strategy. Most large economies also employ policies to support or protect favoured sectors.

As these policies work at the expense of foreign manufacturers, they often generate a great deal of outrage, but much of this reaction is self-serving. Comparative advantage, which is what drives the benefits of trade, implies that some countries are able to produce certain goods more efficiently than others. The purpose of trade, after all, is to concentrate production in those countries that have a comparative production advantage.

But comparative advantage is only realised in the exchange of goods, and not in their production. This is where the problem of excess Chinese savings emerges. China’s structurally high domestic saving rate is the result of a decades-long development strategy in which income is in effect transferred from households to subsidise the supply side of the economy — the production of goods and services. As a result of these transfers, growth in household income has lagged behind productivity growth, leaving Chinese households unable to consume much of what they produce.

Some of these subsidies are explicit but most are in the form of implicit and hidden transfers. These include directed credit, an undervalued currency, labour restrictions, weak social safety nets and overinvestment in transportation infrastructure. These various policies automatically force up Chinese savings. By effectively exporting excess savings through the subsidy of the production of goods and services, China is able to externalise the resulting demand deficiency.

The fact that China dominates certain manufacturing sectors is perfectly consistent with free trade and comparative advantage. It is excess savings that creates a problem for the global economy — and it should be noted that many countries besides China engage in similar behaviour, including Germany and Japan. The problem is that these excess savings represent the suppression of domestic wages, and thus domestic demand, to achieve global competitiveness.

These are classic beggar-thy-neighbour trade policies in which unemployment — the consequence of deficient domestic demand — is exported by running trade surpluses. These surpluses must be absorbed by trade partners, usually in the form either of higher unemployment, higher fiscal deficits or higher household debt.

This is why the policy implications of the two points of contention are very different. The problem of excess savings can make the problem of excess capacity much worse. Trade-deficit countries seek to protect their economies from the excess saving of demand-deficient countries. This can be in the form of restrictions on trade or on capital inflows.

Beijing will no doubt continue to protect and support industries it deems to be strategically important, as will the US, the EU and the rest of the world. This will lead inevitably to clashes, rising protectionism and widespread overcapacity in some sectors. In a wellfunctioning global trading system, countries produce goods in which they have a comparative production advantage, and then exchange them for goods in which they don’t. Thus the global economy is better off, even if individual sectors suffer.

When the purpose of exports, however, is to externalise the problem of weak domestic demand, the global economy can only be worse off, as John Maynard Keynes noted at Bretton Woods. The world must resolve the issue of excess savings and unbalanced trade, even as individual countries clash separately over excess capacity and comparative advantage.

 

Tiktok und Co. sperren Forscher aus: Das ist ein Problem

Die gefährliche Intransparenz von Tiktok und Co.
Ein Kommentar von Piotr Heller
Lesezeit: 2 Min.
Protest gegen ein Verbot von Tiktok: Die Wirkung sozialer Medien auf Gesundheit und Psyche lässt sich wegen der Intransparenz kaum erforschen.
Wenn Forscher herausfinden wollen, ob soziale Medien schädlich für Kinder sind, stoßen sie an Grenzen: Sie kommen nicht an die notwendigen Daten. Das muss sich ändern.

Wenn Washington den chinesischen Betreiber der Videoplattform Tiktok zwingt, die App an einen amerikanischen Investor zu verkaufen, dann geht es um Geopolitik. Anders gesagt, um die Frage, ob der lange Social-Media-Arm Pekings den Interessen der Vereinigten Staaten schadet. Dabei ist eine andere Frage viel interessanter. Nämlich die, wie sehr Social Media seinen Nutzern, vor allem Kindern und Jugendlichen, schadet. Doch sie ist schwer zu beantworten.

Zwar ist es eine gefühlte Wahrheit, dass Apps, die mit allem, was das Arsenal der Künstlichen Intelligenz hergibt, versuchen, junge Menschen an einen Bildschirm zu fesseln, und der rasante technologische Wandel irgendwie nicht gut sein können. Aber es gibt keinen wissenschaftlichen Konsens darüber, wie schädlich soziale Medien wirklich sind.

Die großen Plattformen gängeln Wissenschaftler

Ein Grund ist die Geheimniskrämerei der Plattformen. Forscher beklagen seit Langem, kaum Zugang zu den relevanten Daten zu haben. Die Plattformen bestimmen selbst, wer was sehen darf, und gängeln Wissenschaftler mit Regeln. So zwingt Tiktok Forscher, Daten alle fünfzehn Tage zu erneuern und gegebenenfalls zu löschen, Facebook verlangt, Studien vor der Veröffentlichung zu prüfen, X will für den Zugang zu seinen Daten Geld sehen.

Die Wirkung sozialer Medien auf die Psyche und die Gesellschaft zu verstehen gleicht dadurch dem Versuch, den Klimawandel zu kapieren, ohne aufs Wetter schauen zu dürfen. Anstatt Plattformen zu verbieten, sollte man sie zwingen, sich der Forschung zu öffnen.

Mehr zum Thema

 

Islamisten-Demo in Hamburg: Sie wollen die Gesellschaft spalten

Alexander Haneke
Ein Kommentar von Alexander Haneke
Lesezeit: 2 Min.
Demonstranten am Samstag in Hamburg
Der neue Islamismus arbeitet nicht mehr mit Terrorpropaganda alter Schule. Stattdessen setzen seine Vertreter auf gezielte Provokation, wie gerade in Hamburg zu sehen war. Ihr Ziel bleibt aber dasselbe.

Zumindest insoweit muss man der Bundesinnenministerin recht geben: Es ist „schwer erträglich“, was am Wochenende in Hamburg zu sehen war. Gut tausend Demonstranten zogen mit vorgefertigten Plakaten durch die Straßen, bezeichneten Deutschland als Wertediktatur und forderten ein Kalifat als „Lösung“.

Ob Nancy Faeser selbst genug tut, um diese neue Erscheinungsform des Islamismus in den Griff zu bekommen, muss sie noch beweisen. Von Länderseite wird schon seit geraumer Zeit ein Verbot der Gruppe „Muslim Interaktiv“ gefordert, die hinter der Aktion steht.

Diskriminierungserfahrung als Hebel

Die Sicherheitsbehörden sehen sich hier allerdings vor einer gänzlich neuen Herausforderung. Denn die islamistische Szene bewegt sich längst von der Terrorpropaganda alter Schule weg. Stattdessen prägen Gruppen wie „Muslim Interaktiv“ das Bild, die sich weitgehend im legalen Rahmen bewegen.

Sie versuchen, die Nachkommen aus Einwandererfamilien über gefühlte oder erfahrene Diskriminierung anzusprechen. Jede Kopftuchdebatte, jeder Wertestreit wird maximal zugespitzt, mit Emotionen aufgeladen und dann professionell über das Internet verbreitet. Aktionen wie die Demonstration in Hamburg dienen dabei als gezielte Provokation.

Profiteure der Ausgrenzung

Das Ziel teilen Gruppen wie „Muslim Interaktiv“ mit den radikalen Islamisten alter Schule: Es ist die Spaltung der Gesellschaft. Nur die Methoden sind völlig andere. Ihnen geht es darum, den jungen Menschen das Gefühl zu geben, dass sie in Deutschland nie dazugehören werden.

Mehr zum Thema

 

The United States Had Every Right To Force a TikTok Sale

Credit... Illustration by Shoshana Schultz/The New York Times

Mr. Wu is a law professor at Columbia, a contributing Opinion writer and the author of “The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age.”

China’s violations of human rights and the basic norms of internet freedom are blatant and obvious. This month, with little fanfare, the country ordered Apple to block downloads of WhatsApp, Threads and Signal within its borders. It already prevents citizens from connecting to dozens of other providers of information, including this newspaper and Wikipedia, and for years, it has aggressively surveilled journalists and dissidents.

That abysmal track record gives the United States every right to demand that TikTok find a different owner — one not subject to the control of the Chinese state.

Last week, President Biden signed a law that did just that. TikTok’s current owner, ByteDance, has long emphasized that global institutional investors — such as the Carlyle Group, General Atlantic and Susquehanna International Group — have a 60 percent stake in the company, but it is still, at its core, a Chinese company, with headquarters in Beijing and subject in multiple ways to the direction of Chinese officials. This new law, which gives TikTok roughly 270 days to find a new owner, is designed to change that. But more fundamentally, it sends a message to the world: You cannot disregard basic internet norms and expect to be treated just like any other country.

Infrastructure is destiny, and on some level, the continuing struggle to control the internet is a struggle for the future of civilization. We are already very far from the vision of the internet, laid out in the 1970s and 1990s, of a network that would bring the nations and peoples of the world together in harmony. That may have been too idealistic, even then — but today, we can still draw a line at mass surveillance and censorship, and make it clear that nations who break norms are not entitled to full access to American markets.

Some have argued that TikTok should be left alone to preserve a free and open internet. They argue that to treat China differently would fragment the network. That gets things backward. China, Russia, Iran and other nations have long since broken from any “one internet” vision with their blocking, shutdowns and censorship. This month, American policymakers demonstrated that doing so has consequences.

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That China is in violation of established norms is not in question. In 2022, more than 60 nations signed a “Declaration for the Future of the Internet” enumerating basic online principles that all nations should respect (China, Russia and other nations declined to sign): no shutdowns around elections, no surveillance of political opponents, no bans on lawful content. While no country is perfect, only nations like Russia, Iran and Cuba can rival China in their flagrant violations of these principles. Freedom House, which measures internet freedoms, rates Iceland at 94 out of 100, Russia at 21 and China at 9. That alone is grounds to disqualify it from controlling what is now one the world’s most important social media networks.

If the United States refuses to enforce the principles of internet freedom and openness, it makes a mockery of them. I will be the first to admit that even the United States has at times failed to respect these principles, particularly when it comes to state surveillance. But the answer is not to throw up our hands and declare that there is nothing to be done.

ByteDance, for its part, maintains that it is not actually subject to control by the Chinese government. The weight of the evidence suggests otherwise: The Chinese state owns a “golden share” in the company, the firm is based in China, and studies suggest that the government shapes TikTok content in accordance with party preferences. ByteDance has said it has no plans to sell TikTok; but that might merely be a means of driving up the price. What the company now has is a golden opportunity to prove its independence for once and for all: by selling TikTok and taking the money.

It is true that only a few American companies — such as Oracle, Microsoft and Meta — have the money to buy TikTok, and I’ll admit that should Meta or Google acquire it, they would have a dangerous amount of control over one their greatest competitors. But that need not be the future of the company. TikTok’s current investors could partner with individuals, such as the Canadian investor and businessman Kevin O’Leary, to turn it “into an American company,” as Mr. Leary has said he wants to do. TikTok could even be run as a nonprofit, and perhaps begin a move toward a less toxic business model.

These are radical steps, to be sure. But they are not without precedent. The new TikTok law is similar to the longstanding law that originally barred foreign citizens and corporations from owning U.S. radio and television stations. That law, enacted in the 1930s, might seem quaint today, but during the propaganda wars of the 20th century, control over radio stations was nothing to joke about. No one doubts that control over radio broadcasting was essential during the Second World War; there is no reason to pretend that social media has any less political salience in our times.

TikTok is already banned in a handful of other countries, including India, and on government phones in Australia, Canada and most of Europe. But looking forward, it is important that other democratic nations — particularly the Europeans — take seriously the dangers of Chinese control over their vital communications platforms. While justifiably concerned about the privacy practices of American tech platforms, they can’t ignore the question of who owns TikTok. The democracies of the world have played the sucker for far too long.

More on the TikTok bill

 

Startup drone makers have cropped up in Ukraine to meet demand, offering a range of models.

Ukraine Bets on Long-Range Drones, Raising Costs of War for Russia

The country is doubling down on a campaign of strikes on Russian oil refineries, airfields and logistics

Inside a hangar tucked away in western Ukraine, dozens of workers in protective clothing mold fiberglass mesh and assemble the pieces into potent weapons: long-range drones.

With a range of up to 500 miles, the drones made here are designed to meet surging demand as Ukraine ramps up a campaign of strikes deep inside Russian territory in the third year of the war. 

“There’s a lot of orders we still can’t fulfill,” said the owner of the plant, who declined to be named because of concerns about being targeted by Russia.

Facing setbacks on the battlefield, Ukraine is using long-range drones to reach far behind the front line with Russian forces, hitting oil refineries, airfields and logistics. The strikes aim to squeeze fuel supplies to the Russian military and deprive Moscow of export revenues to fund the war. By bringing the war home to Russia, Kyiv could also compel Moscow to redeploy air-defense systems away from the front lines.

Cheaper and more available than cruise missiles, domestically produced drones enable Kyiv to get around political constraints on using weapons supplied by Western allies in attacks on Russian territory. Startup drone makers have cropped up to meet demand with products ranging from the sleek UJ-25 Skyline to an unnamed model with a fuselage made from a length of plumbing pipe. 

Components of a long-range drone.

Ukrainian officials said drones struck two oil refineries and an airfield in the Krasnodar region overnight into Saturday in the latest attack. 

Russia’s Defense Ministry said its air-defense systems shot down 50 drones on a single day last weekend, including over the Moscow region. Falling debris ignited fires at energy infrastructure facilities in two regions, officials said. Earlier this month, drones struck an oil refinery and drone factory in Russia’s Tatarstan region some 930 miles from the border with Ukraine, demonstrating the growing range of Ukraine’s capabilities.

The strikes are a bright spot for Ukraine at a time when its battlefield prospects have darkened. The campaign, however, has emerged as a fault line between Kyiv and the Biden administration, which is concerned about the impact on energy prices.

“Ukraine is better served in going after tactical and operational targets that can directly influence the current fight,” Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin told the Senate Armed Services Committee earlier this month.

Ukrainian officials say they must use all available means to resist Russia after a lengthy delay in the delivery of aid from the U.S. revealed the limits of Western support. A $60 billion package of aid for Kyiv was recently unblocked, but the infusion of arms and ammunition is unlikely to dramatically reverse Kyiv’s fortunes. 

Domestically produced drones are cheaper and more available than cruise missiles.
Long-range drones are used to conduct deep strikes.

Ukrainian officials say they plan to make thousands of long-range drones this year.

In the early days of the war, Ukraine adapted commercially available drones such as the Chinese-built Mugin-5, which defense analyst H I Sutton said was used in one of the first attacks on the headquarters of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet in the occupied Crimean Peninsula in August 2022.

That and other similar drones have gradually been supplanted by Ukraine’s own designs—though they remain heavily reliant on commercially available Chinese components. 

The drones typically carry a warhead of 44 pounds, according to Sutton, who has identified 19 different models used in attacks on Russian territory, including a balloon that drops mortar bombs from a high altitude.

Made largely of wood, the AQ-400 Scythe has an advertised range of 750 km (465 miles) and a 43-kg (95-pound) warhead. Bober, or Beaver, drones can fly up to 620 miles with a payload of about 20 kg (44 pounds). The deepest strike yet was carried out by a light A22 aircraft that had been automated and rigged with explosives. 

Costs range from about $30,000 to 10 times that much, according to one drone manufacturer. Even at the top of the range, it is still considerably less than cruise missiles that Western countries have provided to Ukraine on condition they only be used in Russian-occupied territory.

The rapid evolution of Ukraine’s drone industry reflects the ingenuity and resourcefulness that have enabled it to resist invasion by a much bigger neighbor. But the ad hoc approach has limits against a country that has put its whole economy on a war footing and is deploying hundreds of Iranian-made Shahed drones in tandem with missiles to erode Ukraine’s air defenses.

Equipment used in a long-range drone factory. Scaling up is a challenge for drone makers.

“What Ukraine needs to do is streamline production and select those drones that can be manufactured on a mass scale,” said Samuel Bendett, an expert on unmanned aerial vehicles at the Center for Naval Analyses, a federally funded research organization in Arlington, Va.

It isn’t clear how many long-range drones Ukraine is currently producing. One manufacturer said it was aiming to increase production to 500 a month by midyear.

Only about 20% of the drones succeed in reaching their target largely due to Russian jamming, said a Ukrainian military intelligence officer involved in launching them.

In a hangar in western Ukraine, several dozen workers are busy making one of the drones used to conduct deep strikes.

“Five months ago, this room was completely empty,” said a worker at the plant. The owner asked that the location of the plant, the name of the drone and workers’ identities be withheld to protect them from being targeted by Russia.

Before Russia invaded, the owner ran a business making plastic containers in the northern Kharkiv region. After fleeing to western Ukraine, he was working in rail logistics when the security services approached him last summer with a prototype of a long-range drone: could he replicate it?

“In our entire lives we’d never built anything similar to that,” he said.

Domestically produced drones enable Kyiv to get around political constraints on using weapons supplied by Western allies.

The businessman hired several veterans of the country’s aviation industry, which was a leader when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union. “At my age, I should have retired a long time ago, but my country is at war,” said a 74-year-old former head specialist at the Kharkiv aviation factory.

Within two months, the team had built two replicas of the drone. “They passed the test,” the owner said. 

The next challenge was scaling up. There are now 75 people on a production line that begins with pressing fiberglass mesh into molds shaped like wings, tail fins and noses. After 11 hours solidifying in a furnace, the parts are assembled to make a small plane with a 2-meter (6.6-feet) wingspan. The engine and explosives are fitted at another factory.

The plant can only make one or two bodies of each drone type a day. To boost capacity, the businessman recently bought a second polymerization furnace. He plans to expand the premises and hire 50 more people to work double-shifts.

At the same time, he is developing a drone model of his own with a planned range exceeding 1,000 km (620 miles).

Write to Isabel Coles at isabel.coles@wsj.com



Sunday 28 April 2024

 

New Eight-Person US Group Helps Fight China Economic ‘Coercion’

    A team within the US State Department is providing advice to other nations on how to prepare for or mitigate economic pressure from China.
    A team within the US State Department is providing advice to other nations on how to prepare for or mitigate economic pressure from China. Photographer: Ng Han Guan/AFP/Getty Images
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    When South Korea decided to host a US anti-ballistic missile system, the lucrative flow of tourists from neighboring China suddenly dried up. When Australia accused Beijing of meddling in its domestic politics and demanded answers over the origins of Covid-19, China stopped buying exports like coal, wine and beef.

    It wasn’t until Beijing tried to punish Lithuania for opening a liaison office with Taiwan in 2021 that Washington intervened.

    A key outcome from that episode was the creation of a team inside the US State Department to help when Beijing responds to political disputes with economic and trade weapons — what the US and its allies call economic coercion. Demand for that help has been strong, according to the US official in charge of the program.

    “Countries are coming in, and many are coming in saying ‘We want the Lithuania treatment,’” Jose Fernandez, under secretary for economic growth and the environment, said in an interview, referring to a package of trade finance, procurement deals and market access Washington offered the Baltic nation.

    Since then, about a dozen other nations in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe have sought guidance on how to prepare for or mitigate economic pressure from China, according to people familiar with the program, who asked not to be named discussing private information.

    Lithuanian Exports to China Slumped in 2022 On Tensions

    Exports to the US, Asia-Pacific economies rose on diversification efforts

    Source: International Monetary Fund, Taiwanese data

    Note: 10 APAC economies are Australia, Japan, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam

    Beijing is “using their economic clout to entice or isolate countries,” said Jose Manuel Romualdez, the ambassador to the US from the Philippines, which is being advised by the State Department on potential new export markets and other support for its agriculture sector in the case of a Beijing boycott. Those measures could include the deployment of cold storage facilities to the Philippines for agricultural products that China might boycott.

    The eight-person State Department group, known informally as “the firm” and led by Melanie Hart, the China policy coordinator in Fernandez’s office, operates like a consultancy. Among the first steps for its “clients” is an analysis of trade vulnerabilities to China by the department’s economists. It then looks for ways to help diversify export markets away from China and, if requested, offer a public show of support. The team has also conducted table-top exercises to game out different responses to Beijing, the people said.

    One driver for this strategy is a recognition that the US didn’t sufficiently support South Korea or Australia when China tried to coerce them, according to the Asia Society’s Wendy Cutler, a former US trade negotiator, who co-wrote a recent report on Chinese actions against Lithuania.

    “We decided that we had seen this movie before and that it was time to stop the tape,’ Fernandez said. Asked about the perception that the US hadn’t done enough in earlier cases, Fernandez said “I think that is a fair criticism.”

    The US government also leverages its economic power in foreign affairs, with China lobbing the “economic coercion” accusation back at Washington. The US has increasingly sought to deploy economic and trade tools in its competition with China, including sanctions, tariffs and export controls, promoting “friendshoring” to bolster supply chains and stepping up scrutiny of investments and data flows.

    They also point out that internal political divisions also mean that the US mostly can’t craft new trade agreements, the prized deals that would open up domestic markets to friendly nations.

    “It is a challenge for the United States because it does not have an offensive trade agenda,” said Deborah Elms, the founder of the Asian Trade Center in Singapore. “There just isn’t a whole lot that Washington is offering to current or potential partners on the economic side.”

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    Even if there were an active trade policy, it’s “become increasingly difficult for parties to believe that the United States would follow through and deliver,” she said, noting that Asian nations have watched the US under former President Donald Trump pull out of an Asia-Pacific trade deal and then watched the current administration fail to finalize the trade “pillar” of its own Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.

    China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs didn’t respond to a question about the allegations of economic coercion, including against Lithuania.

    In the case of Lithuania, China ramped up pressure on Vilnius after it allowed a new Taiwanese trade office in the country to use the word “Taiwan” in its name, rather than the Beijing-approved “Taipei.”

    In a few months, Beijing blocked trade, including by deleting Lithuania from its customs system, pressured multinationals in the country to stop sourcing there, canceled trade credits and voided the official identity cards of Lithuanian diplomats in Beijing.

    Fernandez secured a trade credit offer worth $600 million from the US Export-Import Bank, a reciprocal procurement deal with the Defense Department, and improved access to the US market for agricultural products like eggs.

    There was also a series of diplomatic gestures, including high-level meetings and statements, and efforts to help Lithuanian firms sell more to US allies in Asia. The US also signed onto the European Union’s complaint at the World Trade Organization in January 2022.

    “The reaction was very swift, really very swift,” Gabrielius Landsbergis, Lithuania’s foreign minister, said in an interview, praising the support from the US and other Group of Seven nations as sending a strong signal. “I would say that the biggest assistance was political, because in most of the cases it was a political issue.”

    He also offered a warning to other nations.

    “I am 100% sure that we are not the last case,” he said. “If you’re dependent, know that it can become a weapon and most likely it will be a weapon one day.”

    Tesla’s vehicles have been banned from China’s military compounds and some other government venues in the past over data-collection concerns. The US’s top auto-safety regulator also just opened a probe into the company’s less-capable Autopilot system, citing 20 crashes that have occurred since December involving vehicles that received an over-the-air software update.

    Tesla is coming off its first year-over-year decline in quarterly revenue since 2020, having sold fewer cars even after slashing prices. The company is cutting headcount by at least 10% and looking to accelerate new models, including less-expensive vehicles, that could be ready by early 2025, if not before year-end, Musk said last week.

    China’s No. 2 official met Musk in Beijing hours after the billionaire touched down in the city. Li said the nation is always open to foreign companies, adding that Tesla is a successful example of China-US cooperation, according to China Central Television.

    Musk is paying a visit to China shortly after postponing a trip to India that was going to include a meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The CEO called off his journey on short notice, citing “very heavy Tesla obligations.”

    Musk told Li that Tesla is willing to deepen cooperation with China, CCTV said. The CEO earlier met the head of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade, Ren Hongbin, according to the broadcaster.

    Elon Musk’s private jet arrives in Beijing on April 28.Photographer: Danny Lee/Bloomberg

    Advanced driver-assistance systems are becoming increasingly common in China, where Tesla is losing share of the EV market. Many local players including Xpeng Inc.Xiaomi Corp. and Huawei Technologies Co., use such features as a selling point for vehicles.

    Musk also has put more emphasis on FSD, instituting a requirement when the first quarter was ending that Tesla staff needed to demonstrate the features to every customer in North America before handing over cars.

    The CEO said during Tesla’s earnings call last week that FSD “actually works pretty well without modification in almost any market,” so the company planned to release the system wherever it can get regulatory approval, including China.

    “It’s just like a human — you can go rent a car in a foreign country and you can drive pretty well,” Musk said. “Obviously, if you live in that country, you’ll drive better. And so, we’ll make the car drive better in these other countries with country-specific training. But it can drive quite well almost everywhere.”

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